Sacramento Daily Union, Volume 20, Number 3045, 29 December 1860 — LETTER FROM ST. LOUIS. [ARTICLE]

LETTER FROM ST. LOUIS.

[FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.] St. Louis, December 11, 1860. FEATS OF THE TELEGRAPH. The daily press on this side of the continent are felicitating themselves on the wonderful feats of the telegraph in conveying the President's message from one city to another without breaks, and in a short space of time ; but I have not yet seen a reference to tho fact that by means of the telegraph and the Pony Express, the news of the late election was conveyed MTOSB the entire continent in a little more than six days. This may probably be attributed to the well established and well known enterprise of California journalism. With your papers expedition is no novelty, and therefore it attracts no notice. Looking at tho silence of the ilrst upon this subject, it is highly probable, when it becomes known here that the entire message of the President was telegraphed to Fort Kearny for you, as well as the whole of the Postmaster General's report which has reference to the affltira of the Pacific, the press of the Atlantic will sec nothing remarkable in the feat. Looking at the recent regularity and success of the Pony, we have every reason to believe that the message and the Postmaster Genenfr report will have reached you in due time. Should it not it will be owing solely to the interruption of the Pony by Indians or some other cause. So far as we are concerned everything has been a decided sue*,"ess. By reason of the liberal bonus paid by you in hud money, those two important state papers were forwarded from here to Fort Kearny, and were then deposited in the Express, which passed that place on Friday night last, December 7th, along with a highly important summary of Congressional and other political and general news. I believe this is the first time in the history of the country that any portion of the Department reports have been teicijraphed bodily from one point to another. That portion of the Postmaster General's report which has reference to the affairs of the Pacific, is scarcely of less interest to your readers than

the Annual Message of the President. Practieafly it i- of more interest, and it' the press on this side docs not appreciate the achievement, I doubt not the people of the Pacific will. tt is noir an established fact that the advan-

luges which you enjoy by reason of the telegraph and tlie Pony Express never can be permanently interrupted. Even should Congress fail to anything for you, by way of increasing the mail service on the Central route, so as to aid the present Pony Express Company to continue operations, and that Company, from any cause should discontinue the Pony, I have good grounds for stating that the discontinuance would be but temporary, and only until the line could be restocked. The present Company lias fully proven that the enterprise is not only a beneficial one to your State, but is entirely feasible, and I have good cause to niiow thai there are other parties ready to step in, restock the line and keep the Pony going, Hid they would unquestionably do so. Hut I do not believe the present Company can be driven from the field of which they are pioneer.-:. The Tony, you may rest assured, is an established institution, and I much question if even the snows will stop it.

This fact being settled the extension of the telegraph line along the Central route is a necessary corollary. The Stcbbins Line extends to Fort Kearny. That Company hrfvc now conracted for five thousand pole?, which, during die Winter, will be deposited on either side of * 'ottouwood Springs, and as soon as the weather permits, the line will be extended to Julesburg, at the crossing of the Platte, upwards of two hundred miles further westward. This will en-

able the Telegraph Company to anticipate every Pony leaving .^t. Joseph, and to forward by the preceding Pony all the news, telegraphically, with wliich the succeeding Pony may start from r^t. Joseph. That end is now very nearly accomplished, even with the telegraph to Fort

Kearny. The news of Tuesday afternoon is all ♦hat is not anticipated by telegraph.

Should any difficulty arise between this line .tnd the Pacific Telegraph Company, the latter will commence the building of an independent Bite from riacervillc to Carson Valley, and ihence eastward to Salt Lake City. This has been privately talked of for some time, but is now more openly urged. In connection with this, it is now thought that the policy of the t.reat Pacific Telegraph Company will be to prosecute the building of two lines : one direct from Fort Kearny along the California road to Salt Lake, and another from Kansas City through Eluifiu Territory to Pike's Peak, and thence by the new route through the Peak to Salt Lake CSty. At Bait Lake City there will be another divergence. One line it is proposed 60 run through I'rovo and San Bernardino, along the route over which the Utah and California mail was formerly conveyed to Los Angeles, there to connect with the line now completed to that place ; and the other line to follow the Ilumboldt route and connect with Sacramento by the way of Carson Valley. No line of policy will be definitely fixed before Spring, and I mention this merely to give your reader* an idea of how this great question now -t.mds. The disposition of parties at present is not to run through Texas and Arizona—preferring a connection with Los Angeles by the route .tbove indicated. As to the route mentioned ill one of my previous letters, from Fort Kearny through Denver, Santa Fe, and El Paso, on account of difficulties at the time suggested, it will probably be abandoned. The route from Kansas City through Denver to Salt Lake, and thence through San Bernardino to Los Angeles, is substituted for it. PROGRESS OF DISUNION Darker and darker, as night follows day, become the clouds which overhang our once proud and glorious Confederacy. Turn where we may ruin stares us in the face. Not a gleam of light as large as man's hand is to be seen in the northern or the southean, the eastern or the western horizon. Everywhere is all-pervading

gloom. Around us on every hand we feel the premonitions of the approaching crash— that virtually, though not literally, the Union is already severed. I write not as a croaker, nor as a prophet, but carefully reviewing: all the facts which are presented, and judging from the temper of public sentiment, written and spoken, the conclusion is irresistible and unavoidable, that we are in the last throes of dissolution. The only question now presented stems to be

whether sufficient vitality yet remains tor reconstruction. The land is filled with true patriots, who will not cease their labors even after a partial severance, and true patriots will not cease to hope until all expedients are exhausted. All the letter writers from Washington — Republican, Democratic and American — without

regard to the violence or conservatism of their sentiments — write in the expression of the belief that by the 4th of March next five States will no longer form a portion of our Confederacy, and the leading journals of the country, in discussing this momentous question, all seem to regard this event as no longer doubtful. To speak as I do is therefore not to essay prophecy, but to reflect an all-pervading sentiment. It is necessary thus to speak in order not only to correctly appreciate the momentousness of the crisis, but also in order that the reader may correctly understand what I have now to communicate. COMPROMISE AND CONCESSION. In view of the serious character of the present issue, the almost certain secession of a considerable fraction of the Union, and the ultimate ruin of all sections, the public mind is wholly engrossed with schemes of compromise and concession by which the calamity may be delayed, mitigated or averted. To such a startling pitch have we reached that the delay of an hour or a day is regarded of vital importance. No man more exalted himself than Stephens, of Georgia, has done, by arresting the progress of the revolution in his own State, and gaining time by carrying the proposition to hold a Convention. In the Federal House of Representatives, last week, a great point was gained by the adjournment over until Monday, whereby the representation from Florida failed in being relieved from serving as a member of the committee on the difficulties of the Union. The delay here gained was a great achievement. And yet, when we come to reflect that our Union actually hangs on delay wa can adeqately appreciate the actual danger which surrounds us. The great point next to be gained is to induce South Carolina to delay ; then, after that, to induce the other cotton Stated to delay, and, if they do not, the first step is taken. I see nothing further said about

the sending of Commissioners from Virginia and Kentucky to South Carolina to urge delay, and, although we have " Union-saving " projects by the score, the most important movement in that direction is the appointment of the HOUSE COMMITTEE OF THIRTY-THREE. Of this Committee, the Washington correspondent of the Baltimore American gives the following piquant classification :

Ohio — Thomas Corwin, a conservative Republican, formerly an old line Whig and compeer of Henry Clay. Virginia — John S Millson, Breckinridge Democrat, from Norfolk— distinguished for ability, conservatism and love of the Union.

Massachusetts— Charles F. Adams, an uncompromising Republican— son of John Quincy Adams. He voted at the last session for a resolution declaring slavery a reproach to our country throughout the civilized world. North Carolina — Warren Winslow, from Fayetteville — an able and conservative Democrat.

New York — James Humphrey, a moderate Republican, representing Brooklyn. South Carolina — William W. Boyce, an immediate secessionist now, and the author of an able letter against secession in 1851. Pennsylvania— John H. Campbell, of Pottsville — a moderate Republican. Georgia — Peter E. Love, a Democrat—conservative and moderate.

Connecticut — Orris S. Ferro, a Republican — very conservative. Maryland — Henry Winter Davis, an Ameri-can-Republican, of whose antecedents your readers are aware. He elected Pennington Speaker, and he is in turn made the Committeeman from Maryland. Delaware — William G. Whitely, a Breckinridge Democrat — a friend of the Union. New Hampshire — Mason M. Tappan, a Republican — an endorser of the Helper book, and a rank abolitionist.

New Jersey — J. L. N. Stratton — a conservative Republican. Kentucky — Francis M. Bristow, a Union American.

Vermont— Justin S. Morrill, a Republican endorser of the Helper book, and an extremist. Tennessee — Thomas A. R. Nelson, a Union American of great eloquence and ability. Indiana — William M. Dunn, an extreme Republican.

Louisiana- Miles Taylor, a Breckinridge Democrat of marked ability, and rather conservative. Mississippi — Reuben Davis, an able Democrat and an avowed secessionist.

Illinois — William Kellogg, Republican, and an endorser of the Helper book. Alabama — George S. Houston, Democrat—favorable to fighting Republicanism in the Union. Maine — Freeman H. Morse, a Republican, and endorser of the Helper book. Missouri — John S. Phelps, a Democrat and friend of the Union.

Arkansas — Albert Rust, a Democrat who is decidedly opposed to disunion, and has recently declared that the South has now less cause of complaint than at any time during the past twenty years. Michigan — William A. Howard, Republican — his first appearance in the House, having been elected in the place of George B. Cooper, deceased.

Florida— George S. Hawking, Democrat, who declared on Tuesday that it was too late for compromises, that secession was inevitable, and that he desired nothing but secession. Texas— A. J. Hamilton, Democrat, but believed to be a lover of the Union.

Wisconsin— C. C. Washburn, a Republican of the rankest stripe, and an endorser of the Helper book. lowa — Samuel R. Curtis, an uncompromising Republican, one of the Helper book endorsers. Rhode Island— Christopher Robinson, a moderate Republican. California— John C. Burch, a Democrat, and friend of the Union.

Minnesota — William Winden, a Republican of the Burlingame stamp. Oregon— Lansing Stout, a Breckinridge Democrat, rather favorable to the disunionists.. It will be seen the Chairman, Mr. Corwin, and a majority of the committee are Republicans They stand as follows :

Moderate Republicans ...............................7 Helper Book Republicans ...........................8 Avowed Disunionists ..................................3 Democrats .................................................12 Americans ..................................................8

Upon the constitution of this Committee, as upon everything else emanating from Washington, there is diversity of opinion. The American's correspondent proceeds to say:

This, at first sight, appears a gloomy prospect, but when it is remembered that the concessions are to come from the Republican side, it is undoubtedly about as good a Committee as could have been formed. There is no doubt but that Pennington has selected his Committeemen with a special view to harmony, compromise and concession. He is one of the most devoted lovers of the Union himself; he fully appreciates the present crisis, and he is said to have expressed the belief and hope that the Committee will be enabled to agree upon an almost unanimous report. It is understood that all propositions relative to the subject of secession will be referred to this Committee, though the House having adjourned over to Monday, and the Committee having been called to meet to morrow, they will commence their labors with nothing before them officially but the President's message. It is, however, understood that Corwin has a proposition, which it is said has received the sanction and approval of Lincoln, prepared to present to the consideration of the Committee. Mr. Millson, of Virginia, is also said to have a proposition prepared which will satisfy all the South except South Carolina and Alabama. None of the cotton State Committeemen, not even Boyce, of South Carolina, refused to serve on the Committee, though Hawkins, of Florida, asked to be excused, the House adjourning without coming to a vote on his request.

The correspondent of the Cincinnati Enquirer (Douglas Democrat) does not present the committee in so favorable a light : The Committee of Thirty-three does not give satisfaction. Several of the men from the Soutnem States do not represent the sentiment

of those States. Whatever recommendation the committee may make will be judged of exclusively upon its own merits, and will receive no weight or authority from the charity of the committee itself. The withdrawal of Hawkins will be followed by others on Monday. Boyce, of South Carolina, will certainly decline serving, and Reuben Davis, of Mississippi, Taylor, of Louisiana, and others, are considered doubtful. The Southern members take no pains to disguise their dissatisfaction with the appointment of the committee, and say that it will effect nothing. They consider the withdrawal of Boteler from the chairmanship, that the Speaker might appoint a conservative Virginian in his stead, quite generous. It was expected that the place would be given to either Millson or Bocock, and they think Pennington did not show much magnanimity or spirit of concession in giving it to a Republican.

As to the prognostications of the different writers upon the refusal of other members to serve, as well as the subsequent action of the House, you will have heard of this much later intelligence than I have at the time I write. From the tone of the different correspondence taken together, I would infer that the Speaker had been fortunate in the selection of a Committee. A SOUTHERN CONVENTION. Among the many projects for reconciling differences and saving the country, that of a Southern Convention has been seriously and zealously urged in many quarters. It has, however, met with serious obstacles even among the conservative forces of the South, owing to a difference of opinion as to its propriety on, or rather adaptability to, the purpose designed. That thoroughly conservative paper, the National Intelligencer, having come out strongly in advocacy of such a movement, it may now receive greater favor. The only apprehension is that as no longer the conservative fire of Gales shapes the course of that paper, it may not now exercise the influence it once did. Be that as it may, an article in the Intellligencer of the 7th, addressed "To the people of the Southern States," proposes such a Convention as a measure suited to the present crisis, and the proposition is attracting more than usual attention. The Intelliigencer says : * i

So long as the prevalent spirit of dissatisfaction is suffered to find expression in words of individual menace and of individual demand, it is idle to hope for any intelligent apprehension of our political situation. It is vain to hope that the policy of prudence will emerge from the counsels of confusion, and it is equally vain to expect that those who are foremost in showing themselves " able architects of ruin," will, if they shall succeed in undermining, one by one, the pillars which now uphold and adorn our national temple, show themselves equally able in the work of reconstruction. With the view, therefore, of arresting the hands already uplifted for the piecemeal dismemberment of our body politic, and to the end that our fellow-citi-zens and compatriots of the South may seek a solution of our present political complications in a spirit of unity, and by a method which shall rise at least to the dignity of the occasion, we venture to recommend the assembling, at an early day, of a Convention or Congress of Delegates, who shall be appointed by the several slaveholding States, in such number and in such a way as shall be deemed most expedient, for the purposes of mutual consultation in respect alike to the dangers believed to be impending and the remedy deemed most adequate to avert them. A state of suspense and uncertainty is, the Intelligencer urges, of all conditions, the least adapted to inspire a sense of security, as it is the least propitious to the consummation of aught that involves deliberation in counsel or vigor in action. When the apprehensions that now disturb the repose of the Southern people find vent in vague repining, the evil of the day grows only more and more inveterate, under circumstances the least available to operate for its cure. Where obscurity and division of opinion prevail with regard to the nature and extent of the causes that inspire solicitude and of the wrongs which call for redress, it is apparent that the Northern States, however disposed they may be to accommodate the outstanding differences between the two sections, are in no position to understand the basis on which an adjustment may be reached that will assuredly and finally satisfy their Southern brethren. It adds : " The proposition we have made is a grave one. But in making it we have not been reduced to the necessity of relying alone on our individual convictions or unsupported judgments, however clear we are in the conclusions at which we have arrived. There will be found in our columns to-day a communication, under the signature of ' Lowndes,' proceeding from an eminent citizen of Georgia, who, in words of earnestness and of patriotic solicitude, invokes the counsels and co-operation of the Southern States, not in the rash act of that political desperation which looks to separate civil suicide, but in the more becoming attitude of freemen, calmly addressing themselves to the work of reconciliation, if possible, and to the maintenance of their own dignity in any and all eventualities. The name of the distinguished writer, if we felt free to give it, would add to the weight of his recommendations ; but it may be enough to say that, having filled offices of high distinction, he has proved himself in them all not unworthy of the great statesman under whose signature he writes. We have thus sought to place this question before our readers in all its magnitude and pressing importance. The North and the South are at variance over a common Constitution. Two mothers are disputing for the possession of a child claimed by them each as hers. Let not the people of the Southern States be the first to prove the injustice of their claim by a needless alacrity in consenting to see that child remorselessly rent in twain."

THE ATTITUDE OF MARYLAND.

A careful examination into the attitude of Maryland in her relative position with the South and the North, will not only throw light upon the subject of a Southern Convention, but upon the whole subject at issue, and will develope a state of facts showing how almost entirely hopeless is a compromise of difficulties and the salvation of the Union. I take the case of Maryland, though that of Kentucky or Missouri, or any of the Southern States occupying relatively the same ground, would answer the sume purpose. A Democratic State Convention has, however, just been held in Maryland, and it affords a fine text. But I take the State of Maryland because within her limits the secession feeling is so trifling that it can scarcely be said to have any existence at ail. All parties there are avowedly Union men, and the Breckridgc men are just as anxious to save the Union as the Douglas or Bell men. The only difference is as to the means by which the end is to be accomplished. One set of men would prevent disunion by arraying themselves in direct opposition to the secessionists, while the other set would, by co-operating with the South, lead the other Southern States away from secession by a road within the Union. The only difference is as to the means — not as to the end. And this brings me to the great difficulty of all, and what to my mind destroys all hope of reconciliation between the North and the South, and consequently all hope of a continuance of the Union. Even among the conservative men of Maryland — one of the most conservative of the Southern States— concessions are required as a sine qua non from the North, which the North will never make. Even in conservative Maryland, by the most conservative men, lines are now being drawn which must sever the Union in two.

It would be almost superfluous for me to say that if on the present issue the Douglas Democracy of Maryland present as truly conservative a phase of the sentiment of the State as any party in it. In the late contest that

party party was arrayed against Southern ultraism as positively and even more zealously than the Bell and Everett party, and I think I am correct in stating that, with the exception of those who voted for Lincoln, the Douglas Democracy of Maryland would go as far towards a cordial reconciliation with the North

as the Bell and Everett party — as a party — and certainly much further than the Breckinridge men. It is in this view that the proceedings of the Douglas Convention, on the 6th of December, in Baltimore, acquires importance, and it is in view of this that I give in full the resolutions then adopted. They are replete with significance and importance : WHEREAS, Our country is afflicted by civil dissentions, proceeding from the dispositions and success of a political party, that has for many years past, and does now maintain a policy aggressive upon the Constitution, and destructive to the peace, security and welfare of the slave-holding States, and which now imminently threatens a dissolution of our Union ; And WHEREAS, The people of Maryland are deeply interested to maintain, and are firmly resolved to maintain, our Constitution, and under it our Union, that none did more, whether in council or in battle, to establish than our forefathers ; And WHEREAS, The avowed object of such a hostile and aggressive policy is the institution of slavery which exists amongst us, is inseparable from us, and is, in all its relations, as claimed by us, sacredly protected as a right by our Federal Constitution, and our good old State is thus wantonly made the subject of such aggression, in common with all the slave-hold-ing States ; and is, by reason of its geographical position, the most exposed and injured ; now, under these circumstances, we, the delegates of the Union Democracy of Maryland, in State Convention assembled to consider the present unhappy condition of our country, and calmly yet resolutely to meet the responsibilities of the occasion and declare our views, dispositions and sense of duty, do, therefore, Resolve, That we will assert and defend to the last extremity our constitutional rights as they now exist under our Union of States, and will never abandon them to our enemies. Resolved, That we do not think secession, or any sectional revolution is the lawful, appropriate or adequate remedy for our situation. Resolved, That it is our duty to preserve our Constitution, and under it our Union, and drawing together all good citizens of the North, South, East or West in the Union, and under it to employ all such means as are now become necessary to defend both. Resolved, That we demand as an act of constitutional duty, as follows : First— An immediate and unconditional repeal of all laws now in force in any of the States which violate any provision of our Federal Constitution, and especially such as are intended to frustrate the execution of the Fugitive Slave law. Second— That slavery in the States and District of Columbia, and the internal slave trade, as now existing, shall in no event become subjects of Federal legislation or State legislation, except such as are directly interested in the same. Third— That the claims of every citizen of every State to go into the Territories and carry with them and hold there property of every kind, shall be clearly determined and fixed. Resolved, That to effect these demands our Constitution should be at once amended, or by declaratory provisions, wherever it may be obscured or doubtful, made clear upon these subjects according to the intention of the framers.

Resolved, That we recommend a National Convention, according to the provisions of the Constitution, of delegates to be elected by the people of the several States, as the best means of accomplishing these results, and we request our Governor, whenever in his judgment it becomes necessary, to convene the Legislature, that proper laws may be passed for this object, and to secure the co operation of all the other States, and we most earnestly deprecate any other action by the Legislature than such as is limited to the calling of the Legislature and a co-opera-tion of the slaveholding States, believing as we do, that the peaceful adjustment of our unhappy political troubles will be best accomplished by delegates fresh from the people, and uncommitted in any way to parties or otherwise to their common country, and we are utterly opposed to any action by the Congress of the United States upon the subject. Resolved, that while we do not regard the election of Abraham Lincoln to the office of President of itself as a sufficient cause of revolution, having for its object the dissolution of our Union, we will regard any act of aggression against any of our sister States, or their people or domestic institutions, on his part or with his privity, as such cause of revolution in the Union, and we do further emphatically and unanimously declare that the aggressive spit it of a sectional party that has elected him does justify and require us, without further delay for the rights of self-government and under it our security, our peace and happiness to demand, that our clear constitutional guarantees shall now be admitted and maintained, and such additional security be provided as will fix them free from all doubt or molestation in the future ; and that we are resolved to employ in the Union all the means that may become necessary to obtain these ends, and we do make this declaration after having counted the cost of revolution as our fathers did, and especially our exposed condition as a border State. Resolved, That we desire to preserve peaceful and fraternal relations with our brethren of the free States who are prepared to support our constitutional rights, and united with them to assert our cause peaceably if we can or forcibly if we must. Resolved, That to this end we recommend that all the means of organizing such conservative and patriotic sentiment throughout our country be at once employed, and that societies and leagues of the friends of our Constitution in all the States be formed and united together, by correspondence or otherwise, and that they prepare themselves to support a revolution in the Union if necessary. The authentic evidence of the ballot box informs us that a majority of 1,100,000 votes of the whole people are on the side of the Constitution, and it will thus be easy when it becomes necessary to wrest the Government from those who, however lawfully elected, have created a public sentiment and are perverting both into instruments of intolerable oppression. Resolved, That a State Convention ought immediately to be called in ours and all the slaveholding States to appoint delegates to a general Convention of them at some convenient point; and we respectfully suggest that such State Conventions ought to invite such of the nonslaveholding States as are willing to co-operate, and the Constitutional Leagues in all the States to send their most distinguished members as delegates to said general Convention. Resolved, That we deplore the action taken by our sister State of South Carolina, and earnestly protest against an ordinance of secession on her part as being unconstitutional, disorganizing and precipitate, and unfriendly, if not arrogant, towards the counsels and situations of the other slaveholding States; and especially towards ours and the border States ; and we believe that such act of secession will weaken and must divide their ultimate position; and, while we declare for co-operation, we will firmly resist being dragged into secession. Maryland will not stand as a sentinel at the bidding of South Carolina, and we remind her, by the memories of the Revolution, that such a purpose cannot be justified ; and, in conclusion, in a fraternal spirit, we entreat South Carolina to suspend all further action until such measures of peaceful adjustment have first been tried and have failed.

I have not the least doubt that these resolutions reflect the true feeling of an overwhelming majority of the people of Maryland ; and I have only been surprised that the Governor of the State has not assembled the Legislature, in order that the State might have an opportunity to assert her true position, when it is vow almost certain that she will be dragged into disunion with her arms tied. If the Union is to be saved from destruction, it can only be — considering the point on which we now stand— by the conservatism of the Southern people. They alone have power to control or curb their fiery brethren of the extreme latitudes, and it is certainly not the part of wisdom to hush the voice of a truly conservative State or tie her hands behind her back in an emergency like the present. Some days since the name of Governor Hicks was mentioned in connection with the Custom House at Baltimore, under the new regime, and this has suggested the surmise that in refusing to convene the Legislature he might be making fair weather with the President elect. But, in the debate on the foregoing resolutions, a gentleman suggested that a majority of the members of the Maryland Legislature were secessionists. It was, however, promptly denied, and by the adoption of the resolutions it is manifest the Convention did not believe the charge. As before stated, I have good reason to believe there

is no "secession" party in Maryland, unless it be secession to stand upon the Georgia platform, which Stephens and Douglas stand upon, and which is substantially the same as is enunciated in the Maryland Douglas resolutions, above given. THE TRUE OBSTACLE. The real obstacle in the way of reconciliation of the differences is the great distance between even the conservative South and the controlling influence in the North. As to the extreme South, it is useless longer to speak of it in connection with reconciliation, concession, compromise, or settlement of any kind. It has got away beyond the point of reason, and, it is feared, far beyond the reach of conservative Southern feeling. After examining the views of conservative Maryland, it is proper that we should look at the sentiment of the North, and by placing one against the other, we will find the true obstacle in the way of the salvation of the Union. Here, again, I must have recourse to the columns of the New York Tribune, which I am satisfied more correctly reflects the views of the political classes at the North than any other paper published there. I cannot do better than give, without abridgement, an article from its issue of the 7th, on the subject of " What is Meant by Concession." Here it is :

" That the Union is in fearful peril and will be broken up unless something be done to save it, is reiterated on all sides, with the corollary that the Republicans must evince a willingness to concede, and compromise, and give way, to that end. But that the free States have any grievances, or that the slave States should make any concessions of principle, no advocate of a new compromise seems to suggest. That the North should concede substantially whatever has been in difference, between the free and the slave States, and that the South should balance this surrender by consenting to remain in the Union such is the fundamental idea of those who clamor for the salvation of the Union. Thus, Albert Rust, of Arkansas, a leading Douglas man and Unionist of the southern pattern after writing one letter in favor of maintaining the Union at all hazards, writes another, which says :

What should be the ultimatum of the slave States if the present Union should be perpetuated? First, agree upon some line which shall be to the Pacific ocean, north of which slavery shall never be abolished by Congress in any Territory that may now belong to or may hereafter be acquired by the Government of the United States. Provide that south of the same line slavery shall not be interdicted in any Territory belonging to, or that may hereafter be acquired by the General Government, by the Federal Legislature, by the Territorial Legislature, or by the Legislatures of States that may be formed out of the same. Let the right of the slaveholder to go and abide upon any of this territory be inalienable and perpetual. Allow no one of the present slave States to abolish this institution, by legislative enactment without the assent of all the other slave States. It is only by denying to the legislative bodies everywhere under our Government the power to impair or affect the right of property in slaves, that you give prominent peace and security to the slaveholder.

" Isn't here a beautiful champion of 'Popular Sovereignty?' He must have a line drawn straight across to the Pacific, south of which neither Congress, nor any Territorial Legislature, nor even a State Legislature, shall ever have power to prohibit or abolish slavery ! Isn't this a pleasant proposition to be made to the free States at such a time as this ? " The Herald has, of course, a kindred recipe for saving the Union. Here is the prescription from its last issue :

'Thurlow Weed has some comprehension of this crisis. He is, therefore, inclined to drop Sambo to save the Union and Lincoln's Admin-

istration. Greeley continues intractable ; but he will in due season discover that, over a Southern agitation which is shaking the Union to its foundations, this Northern Republican party must abandon its anti-slavery platform, or that it will speedily fall to pieces.

" A Washington dispatch to the same paper magisterially says :

' When Northern sentiment is ready to agree to what the South demands, the Sewards, Sumners, Bates, etc., must necessarily vacate their present places, and make room for conservative men.

"That is at least consistent. If Republicanism is to be proscribed and accursed in the high places of the land, it would be absurd to leave any earnest Republicans there. Kick 'em out ! Halfway work will effect nothing and please nobody.

" The same dispatch avers that ' Special reports from Memphis, Tenn., refer to a large secession meeting held there, from which it was apparent that the people in that section are determined upon secession, unless the Northern States repeal the Personal Liberty Bills, and agree that slaveholders may carry their slaves into the Territories of the United States and be protected in their rights of property while there.

That, certainly, is frank, if not modest. No Personal Liberty Bills — all the Territories opened to slavery — and a Congressional slave code for its complete protection there — if the North will promptly concede these points, the Unionists of the South will endure us a little longer. It is very kind of them. But we must say that we like better the avowed fire-eaters, who tell us right out that they have had enough of our promises and protestations of good behavior, and that they will not stay with us another quarter, though we were to get down on our knees and beg them to remain and name their terms. They choose to keep the company of men whom they are not compelled to despise. "While, on the part of the slaveholders, the demand for a complete surrender of all distinctively Republican principles and purposes is thus made the indispensable condition of their remaining in the Union, the Times' Washington correspondent telegraphs as follows :

" ' Private letters received from Lincoln by a special friend of his here urge moderation and forbearance. He desires everything done that is possible, without regarding his party at the North, to harmonize the sections. He speaks in high terms of the articles in the New York Times and the Albany Evening Journal.' " We have never corresponded with Lincoln, and pretend to no especial knowledge of his views and sentiments ; but we are well assured, from sources of information open to all, that the above statement does him gross injustice. Lincoln is of course anxious for the preservation of the Union, and would gladly see harmony restored between the alienated sections, thereof; but he does mot expect nor desire to effect this by any lowering of the Republican standard, and does not ' speak in high terms ' of the newspaper articles referred to, if this phraseology implies that he approves of their scope and evident purpose. But it were better to avoid all allusions to Lincoln's views until at the proper time he shall speak for himself.''

The " Albany Journal's plan " has for a week past been a constant theme of comment, but one puff from the mouth of the Tribune, in my opinion, knocked it into a cocked hat. The cool sarcasm — nay ! the indifference and quiet scorn with which the Tribune dishes up abtruse propositions to " compromise," should satiny any one, that the editor of that paper, at least, has not the most remote idea that any such compromise will be even entertained at the North. How any compromise can be reached is equally hard to conceive. THE DANGER OF DISUNION. Notwithstanding the disfavor with which the Journal's proposition is received, it is still persistently pressed by a considerable Republican influence at the North, and is applauded by the Democrats. Among the Republican journals which persist in urging it as the basis of compromise, is the New York Times. In its issue of the 7th of December, it concludes an article on the subject thus :

The Evening Journal has incurred a good deal of censure from an influential section of the Republican party, for its offers of concession. That was to have been expected, amply because the mace of the party do not realize as thoroughly as the veteran editor of that

paper the absolute necessity of such concessions to the safety of the country and the success of the Republican Administration. As we have more than once remarked, the people in the interior do not believe that there is danger of disunion. They see no cause for it : they see no good that can possibly be gained by it ; every argument of reason, common sense and patriotism forbids it, and they cannot and do not believe any portion of the people of the South are mad enough or reckless enough to court its hazards and plunge into the ruin which it would involve. Naturally enough, therefore, they resent the suggestion that they are to make sacrifices or concessions — that they are to lower their party flag or change one hair's breadth their party position, for the sake of averting an imaginary danger. The relative wisdom of their course turns on the question whether the danger is imaginary. Weed, with his wider range of observation and his larger experience, does not so regard it. He thinks it serious and imminent — threatening to wreck the Administration before it is fairly embarked on its voyage, and to plunge the whole country into an abyss of confusion and anarchy, the depth of which no eye can fathom. Such apprehensions warrant bold and resolute measures. And Weed would have forfeited the confidence which the great mass of his party have so long reposed in him, if he had hesitated to tike the responsibility of calling upon them to realize the peril before it should be too late."

The Times justly and severely condemns the violent course of the Constitution and kindred sheets, which are striving to widen the gap between the two sections of the Union by violent denunciations, and with equal propriety applauds the following sentiment from the Albany Argus, the leading Democratic organ of the State of New York :

We confess our gratification with the intelligent appreciation by the Journal of the present dangers, and the manifestation of a disposition to labor to avert them. We hail such demonstrations from Republican quarters, because we believe that without them and without the aid of the party now about to assume the reigns of Government, or a considerable portion of it, the Union of these States is at an end, and political chaos prevails. We will not question the motives of papers like the Journal, or of leading Republican statesmen who at this time attempt to stay the tide of disunion. We prefer to believe them patriotic. But if they are merely selfish — if they only look to taking the lead of Lincoln's Administration — we incline to think they are more sagacious than those who denounce them, and will win in the race of rivalry. In the exciting scenes which await it, Lincoln's Administration, if able to carry on the Government at all, must be conservative, conciliatory and compromising. It has no alternative, and those Republican papers and Republican statesmen who take the lead in advocating that policy, will be the only friends whose support will be valuable to it, or who will have its confidence.

Still, these patriotic sentiments afford but little mitigation of the impending danger. The Tribune's Washington correspondent telegraphs December 6th :

It may be confidently assumed that South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida and Mississippi will secede before the 4th of March, in spite of efforts to restrain their separation. If let alone by well meaning people, the danger might be less imminent. Some of them will retire, with the design of leaving the border States to negotiate guarantees upon which they may return. There are leaders in this scheme who look to a consolidated Republic, or other form of strong Government, with the idea of their own advancement to supreme power. Many Democrats are openly against free suffrage, in favor of the contraction of popular rights, for twenty-one years naturalization, and other rigid limitations, by which an oligarchy may be established, and entire control placed in the hands of large slaveholders. The correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette telegraphs on the 7th :

Crawford, of Georgia, says that the secession of Georgia is beyond prevention. A telegram from Stephens to-night re-affirms the same declaration. He gives up all hopes of the Union.

Houston and Cobb say their districts will send thirty of the one hundred delegates to the Alabama convention pledged against precipitation. Costa will send three; Mobile, four; Green, three, and Austoga, one, also pledged against it. Gen. Cass expressed the hope to-day that all would yet be right, though himself, Secretary Toucey and the President are much cast down by the gloomy prospect. The Post Office Department sent out, yesterday, blanks sufficient to supply the Charleston Postmaster until July next. They were sent in response to his order. I learn from a gentleman who arrived to-day from South Carolina, that a certain degree of dignity and moderation will characterize the action of that State in seceding from the Union, which he believes she will surely do. That State will send a Commissioner to Washington to consult with the President. The latter will receive such Commmissioner, who will then appeal to Congress, announce the grievances of his State and the terms upon which South Carolina proposes to go out. The Commission will then await the action of both Houses. The gentleman from whom I learn the above assures me that the Legislature of South Carolina is equally divided between passing a bill fixing an early day in which to secede and leaving the time of secession subject to the action of other States.

But serious apprehensions are entertained by many that a collision will occur between the Judicial and the State Government, after South Carolina shall have seceded from the Union. It is supposed that she will attempt to regulate and control the port of Charleston. The President says in his message that he will continue to collect the public revenue at that point. Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie, commanding the port of Charleston, will enable him to do so ; and hence it is believed that a collision will be

inevitable, soon after the act of secession shall be accomplished. It is believed that South Carolina will make a proposition to the General Government for the surrender of the forts in Charleston harbor to her, and that the President will recommend it to be done. But if Congress should refuse authority to the President, he will decline giving it up as long as he can hold it by force ; but he has confident hope that the wisdom of Congress will dictate a policy of peace. I hear it urged, also, that by avoiding bloodshed there would be a hope for a speedy reconciliation of the confederacy. Blood once spilled, re-union would be hopeless. Such will be the course of events, and the issue, whether bloodless or otherwise, will be in the hands of Congress. THE GOTAMITE REPUBLIC. I observe that the idea of " the boys" that New York should declare her independence and go it on her own hook, has got fully into the papers and is making a stir. The proposition is very nicely served up in the New York correspondence of the Philadelphia ledger on the great subject of Union saving : Plans for saving the Union are a plenty here as at "Washington, and the Republicans, as well as other folks, are trying their hands at the business. One proposition is to have Governor Morgan call the Legislature together, in extra session, for the purpose of issuing an address to the Southern States, assuring them that New York is not unkindly disposed ; towards them, and that she is as anxious to maintain their rights under the Constitution as the slaveholding States could desire. New York, it is urged, could take some such step as this with a good grace. She has no Personal Liberty Bills on her statute book to wipe out ; and, while showing her magnanimity to her Southern sisters, no surrender of self-respect nor of State pride ever could be involved. There is but one difficulty in the way, and that is the division of sentiment among the Republicans themselves. The conservatives, with Thurlow Weed, would favor the step ; but the radicals, with Greeley, would oppose it The Governor, it is understood, inclines to side with the latter. The Democrats, too, have their nostrums —and so has Mayor Wood. Fernando, you know is great on "sensations ;" and his newest sensation, it is said,* will be a special message to

the Common Council, recommending that, as soon as South Carolina secedes from the Union, measures be taken to erect the city and county of New York, with the adjacent counties of Westchester, King's, Queen's and Suffolk into a separate State, in order to cut loose from the Republicans and Abolitionists of the rural districts. The message, it is said, is already in good part written, and that it was to submit it to certain high authorities that took the Mayor to Washington a few days since. So, I suppose, we may as well make up our minds to walk out of the State into a State of our own soon under the limited monarchy of Fernando the First. James and Erastus Brooks also rush to the rescue, and Horace mounts their backs. In other words, the New York Express, which is in favor of making the city a free port, and the Tribune, which " aint," have been having a set-to over the modus operandi of the thing. Brooks, in reply to one of Greeley's objections, says : If, when goods depart by land, from this entrepot across Harlem river, or into Jersey City, consumers there be fools enough to buy 25 or 30 per cent, dearer than we sell for, it will be their folly, not ours ; but the ocean is open to our steamers for exchanges elsewhere and everywhere. 'No pent up Utica ' will be ours." Whereupon Greeley thus comments : " Why, sir, the folks who want imported goods on their transfer from ' this entrepot ' to the United States, will pay the duties as we stated, because they cannot help themselves. They must either pay or smuggle — a very few experiments would convince them that smuggling is unprofitable. This city would be a very ' pentup Utica' were she to secede from the State and the Union. But she will never do it.

The Express proceeds : " But hearken, once more, Mr. Tribune. The whole trouble in this country, and to this country, comes from that little belt of Yankee population that cover New England, and sally along and settle upon our great lakes. Lincoln's majorities are in New England, north of the Central Railroad, N. Y., and in the lake counties of the West, where New England settlements predominate. Think you, in case of disruption, that Yankee element is going to be permitted to cut off the conservative Yankee settlers, the Irish, the Scotch, the Dutch, the German elements of settlement, that populate all southern New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois — from their countrymen of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Missouri, to say nothing of the southwestern States ? No; we of the sourthern part of the northern-middle States will follow other than New England fortunes in the foundation of a new republic." James and Erastus Brooks, who edit and publish the Express, are both of Puritan Yankee blood — born far to the northeast of us. They sprang from " that little belt of Yankee population " they here so greedy traduce. Might they not better have left that disparagement to other than parricidal hands ! ENGLAND ON THE ISSUE. Inclosed you will find a couple of articles from the London Times, which are a fair index of the feeling of Great Britain on this subject. If the rash men of the South were at a pausing point, they would perhaps consider the consequences of a reliance upon such an "ally" as England; but this is scarcely to be hoped for. The New York World thus condenses the sent-

merit of the English press: The most important advices contained in the foreign files, which we received by the Saxonia, the City of Washington and the Canadian, are the articles which express the English feeling with regard to the election of Lincoln and the threatened secession of Southern States. This feeling, as our readers will see by our full quotation from these articles, very decided in its character, and equally clear in its expression. It indicate?, unmistakably, not only an entire lack of sympathy with the South, but a dispositions on the part of the English people ( which means the English Government) to co-operate with the North in its determined effort to restrict the further extension of slavery on this continent. There is but one voice in England on this subject from all the organs of public opinion which have spoken upon it ; and the discussion has been general, intelligent and thorough. The London Times commits itself entirely to the Republican side of the question, and tells the propagandists of slavery that they are responsible for the election of Lincoln, which it rightly does not regard as evidence of an " intolerance of slavery " where it exists. The London Daily News takes a similar position ; and to these expressions of what seems to be a universal sentiment, there is added one by the Saturday Review, the organ of a most influential and' cultivated class of English society, which cannot be read by any intelligent person, whatever may be his prejudices, without an admission of its clear perception of the facts, of the case, arid their relative importance and significance. " In this comprehensive and clearly thought discussion of the subject, the South is told plainly that her only hope of preserving her peculiar institution, not to say of adding to the area of slave territory, is her continuance in the Union ; that it is only because South and North have been one nation that Europe has not regarded the annexations of the United States as extensions of the area of slavery; that any attempt to extend this area, by a Southern Con federacy, will be resisted " by the whole strength of European civilization;" and that, consequently, the South may measure the disadvantages of secession very exactly by these advantages which accrue to her from union. " The general, and perhaps not unnatural expectation in the cotton States, that the dependence of Manchester looms upon their great stapie, would insure them the support of the British people, if not of the British Government, in their threatened secession, gives to these articles a very great and striking importance."

SPIRIT OF THE WASHINGTION LETTERS.

There is a great deal of trash in the letters from Washington, with which the diurnal press of the country is filled, besides a great deal of

absolute error; still, with all, there is much real information which cannot be ignored. It is, therefore, proper that this source of intelligence should not be entirely overlooked. The impartial and well informed corespondent of the Baltimore American writes, on December 6th:

" The extremists of the South, as well as the Hales, the Burlingames and the Lovejoys of the North, are by no means satisfied with the moderation that prevails among the great mass of the members from both sections. That deep love of the Union, which was thought a short time since to be the pervading sentiment of nine out of ten of all classes of people outside of South Carolina, has still many ardent votaries. The Union is still strong in the hearts of the great mass of the members from all sections, and the sentiment of General Jackson that ' the Union must and shall be preserved,' rises up involuntarily to check the madness of the times. "The South Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi members were all in their seats to-day in the House, and voted on the Alternate Section Land Bill when their names were called. Even Keith, of South Carolina, who, a few days since declined to vote, declaring his State out of the Union, and that he was here merely as a matter of form, responded audibly on several occasions " The opinion is gaining ground here that the efforts making to restrain the precipitancy of South Carolina, and to prevent her, in the language of Senator Hammond, from going "high and dry out of the Union " on the 18th of December, will be successful, and that she will consent to wait a little while for consultation with her sister States. Even if immediate action is taken for the establishment of the Palmetto Confederacy an effort will be made in the Convention to defer the time of the ordinance going into operation until a period subsequent to the assemblage of the Alabama, Georgia and Mississippi Conventions. As the hour approaches for cutting loose, the eyes and thoughts of the people of that State are now cast on the future, with its free trade and direct taxes its military government, and perhaps the revulsion from a republic to a sovereignty. When passion rules it is dangerous to look ahead " There is some talk here today of a letter from Mr. Lincoln to his political friends urging moderation, and a joint effort, by all reasonable concessions, to bring about harmony, concord and good feeling."

The Cincinnati Commercial's correspondent, of the 7th, thus sketches persons and things : Green, of Missouri, hitherto ranked with Union men, has shuffled off towards secession. Meantime, Northern men are closing ranks to

met the shock, and there are indications that it will come next week.

Seward, Corwin, Sherman, Wade, all the Republicans, Douglas and his friends, assume boldly that the idea of the right of secession shall never be admitted in any event, and men of stamina take ground that, if necessary, steel and lead shall be the ultimatum.

You would be surprised at Northern sternness. Many Southern men are deluded with the chimera that, if Government attempts to coerce the South, revolution will ensue in New York and other northern cities, but are surprised at the firm demeanor of Republicans. They begin to manifest serious anxiety to know whether the North will meet the shock bravely. There seems yet to be no traitors in the North. Some think there will be no disorderly scenes in Congress this winter. Secessionists say they came determined to provoke none, but if Northern men exhibit nerve, the result may be otherwise than peaceful. " The theory of the Republicans is that the salvation of the Union depends upon execution of the laws, and they have made up their minds the Union shall be preferred at all hazards. The Committee of thirty-three have not yet met. Mr. Corwin is visiting each member to collect their views. He thinks Boyce, of S C , will act with the Committee. Hawkins, of Fla., will not, but all secession State members will come from courtesy. The Committee will have a preliminary meeting to morrow, and during next week, unless untoward events occur, they may get ready to report. It is considered not unlikely that the President's courage may be terribly tried before New Years, as his intimation in his message that revenue laws must be enforced at Charleston, will be pressed home on him by the North. Senator Douglas is bold, and inflexibly for the Union. Southern men have ruined Jerry Black's prospects for a seat on the Supreme Court Bench. They accuse him of penning offensive portions of the message, and if the President should appoint him, the South will oppose, and rejection would follow. Douglas' friends are in ecstacies. There is not money enough in the Treasury to pay clerical force ot Departments. It is said that the new Treasury notes will be subject to heavy discount, in order to save themselves, some of the clerks propose union for self-defense, binding themselves to mutual protection until notes taken in payment of salaries can be redeemed at the Treasury. In other words they propose to combine again the brokers. " Fort Moultrie is garrisoned by ninety men, Kentuckians, and Col. Andersen will die by the flag of the Union sooner than yield to any public enemy. South Carolina members say that their State, will not assault the Fort. Their Commissioners appointed by State Convention will apply to the Federal Executive for peaceful arrangement and adjustment of financial matters after secession. Matters look badly to-night."

The correspondence of the Cincinnati Gazette, of the same date, has the following, of like import:

"Mr. Douglas is studiously silent. His Democratic associates treat him with a coldness amounting almost to incivility. He looks to the Republican side chiefly for sympathy. " Private letters received from Mr. Lincoln by a special friend of his here, urge moderation and forbearance. He desires everything done that is possible, without regarding his party or the North, to harmonize the sections.

"John Cochrane says he fears the Pacification Committee will be unable to accomplish anything. The Republicans think the South don't want to compromise, and are therefore not solicitous of making overtures. " Mr. Crittenden is understood to be in favor of the Missouri Compromise line as a legislative measure, to quiet the existing agitation. Other conservative Senators from border States, both free and slave, are discussing the expediency of making a constitutional provision. "The Secretary of War, Governor Floyd, is undoubtedly determined to keep possession of the Government forts in South Carolina. He has quietly strengthened the forces by the addition of two companies, which render Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumpter impregnable. " Southern men say to-day that nothing but a general Convention to reconstruct the Constitution, according to their ideas, will satisfy them. It is surmised in some quarters that if the Union is disjointed, it may again come together on a new basis. Powell's proposition of a Committee of thirteen was suggested by Crittenden and other unionists

" Amos Kendall, formerly of Jackson's Cabinet, is out in another letter, denouncing secession as treason and criminal. He quotes Madison, Jefferson, Randolph and Ritchie, his old compatriot, to sustain his position, and urges strongly Madison's declaration in favor of the union of the States, that the majority must govern, and that it is treason to secede. " Private advices from Texas state that Governor Houston has yielded to the general wish, and will call the Legislature together forthwith. " It is stated that this movement is too late, and that the secession influence there is strong enough to carry the State out of the Union very soon. The large vote for Breckinridge indicates the probability of this." The Commercial's correspondence of the 9th, says : It is strongly indicated that party feuds are sinking into the common Union cause. Prominent Republicans avow their determination to stand by Douglas, if he strikes boldly for the Union. The President is bitterly denounced as a traitor, conspiring with the South, especially since he gave the order to Colonel Anderson to defend Fort Moultrie, and refuses to send him the necessary troops. A prominent Republican member astonished Southern gentlemen yesterday, by intimating that when the South moves in the march of dissolution, the Republicans, after Lincoln is inaugurated, will acquire Mexico by treaty, and flank the Southern confederacy by free States. Our friend is in earnest, and he is a live man. " Southern Senators caucussed yesterday, but took no definite action. The fact of the caucus was a Union speech made by Benjamin, of La. It surprised the public. The rumor that attempts will be made to prevent Lincoln's inauguration is revived. A conservative South Carolinian, who is striving hero to postpone and finally prevent secession, alleges that rash uncontrollable men are perfecting this scheme This is probably a suspicion growing out of the alarmed condition of the public mind. The streets are full of vague rumors fomented by timorous people. They seem to indicate the temper of the time. Rev. Stockton preached a thrilling sermon in the Hall of Representatives this morning, startling his great audience by declaring in him ghastly way, "There is no hope for the Union but God." He alluded with graphic force to the striking correspondence of the unfinished nation and its unfinished capitol He was very feeble, sitting in his chair while speaking. The scene was extremely dramatic."

By the last Pony you had an epitome of some of the Washington letters. Let me give you in full some extracts from that of the New York Times, of the 9th:

" The only result of Southern Senatorial caucus yesterday, was the assurance that eight States were certain to secede. Most of the Southern Senators, including "the Vice President, were present, and the prospects of the country were freely discussed. A large majority considered it too late to save the present Confederacy, but expressed the belief that a new Union be speedily formed. " Senator Hemphill was absent from sickness, but Senator Wigfall declared Texas would bean independent power within sixty day?. Hazen, of Texas, also arrived Saturday evening, and says the reports of secession are false and ridiculous. Texas is, and will be for the Union. " Senator Wade is said to be preparing a regular war speech, in which he will advocate force in executing the Federal laws in the seceding States. "Senator Pugh advocates force, and denies that popular sentiment in Ohio favors hostilities towards the South. He thinks all the southern portion of Ohio would sympathize with the Southern Confederacy. Mr. Corwin has prepared his plan, and proposes to push it. It is tor a general convention of all the States to settle existing difficulties. Another proposition is for all the Mutes to meet in convention and amend the Constitution, so as to allow the Southern Stales to become an independent confederacy. "An editor of a Troy (New York) paper returned from South Carolina last night. He has been all through the State, and says great difficulty is experienced in traveling through the State. He saw several companies of well drilled Minute Men, in and out of their armories, drilling every day. "Word was received in Charleston that a steamer from New York, with 600 recruits to defend Fort Moultrie, was corning. The whole town rushed to arms to prevent their landing. They telegraphed to New York, and found the whole thug a hoax, and disbanded. The Treasury is in a still worse condition than before. Riggs & Co. express the opinion that if Treasury notes are issued, they will be at 25 per cent, discount, and not taken at that. "Among the most significant signs in political circles is the fact that Senator Benjamin is soon to make a strong Union speech. "It is rumored that the Cabinet has been in session to-day, and that exciting news was received and submitted to them to-night from some quarter unknown. The report has created quite a sensation about town. "Com. Shubrick has prepared his letter of resignation, to be tendered when South Carolina shall secede. Capt Ingraham, who has gone to

the Mediterranean; is understood to have left his letter of resignation, depending on the same contingency. preparing to address the Senate " Douglas is preparing to address the Senate on the present emergency, and will take the distinct ground that secession involves war and all its calamities, and that that fact must be confronted by the men who are now precipitating the cotton States into revolution. He thinks it wiser to face the whole issue and let the people see the consequences, than to blink at it until the real crisis is upon us. " The President has just been assured, from an authentic source, that the authorities of South Carolina will make no resistance either to the collection of duties or to the possession of the forts guarding Charleston harbor, during the remainder of the Administration."

Here is a rich and truly characteristic item from the correspondent of the New York Herald, of same date :

" There is a rumor here this evening that Jeff. Davis has received a dispatch from Mr. Lincoln, the President elect, stating that he (Lincoln) was preparing a letter for publication, defining his position on questions now distracting the two sections of the country, which will, it is said, give satisfaction to the South."

THE COMPROMISE PROJECTS.

It seems as though everybody just now were intent upon serving the country, except certain persons at the North and certain persons at the South, who would perhaps prefer to live asunder, for the accomplishments of their particular ends. As before stated, the chief reliance is upon the Committee of Thirty-Three. Since writing the foregoing, I have received the Cincinnati Commercial, and as pertinent, append the following from its Washington correspondence of December 9th :

I learn, through a Republican member of Congress, that Mr. Corwin is prepared to submit a proposition to the Committee of Thirty-Three, for the adjustment of sectional differences. He proposes an amendment to Section 3d of Article II of the Constitution, by striking out that portion which authorizes Congress to make all needful rules and regulations for the Territories, and inserting a clause transferring the whole power now exercised by Congress, under the Republican interpretation, to the settlers of Territories hereafter to be organized. In substance and effect to make such Territories entirely independent of the United States, and quasi foreign States which shall elect all their own officers, pay all their own expenses, and be subject to no Federal supervision, except for defensive purposes, until admitted as States under such State Constitution us their people may elect. This is very similar to Eli Thayer's doctrine. This has been submitted to a few Republican members, who, with the understanding that they do not waive the Republican construction of the article in the Constitution, consented to it informally. Secessionists persist in extravagant demands, amounting to the unconditional surrender of the North. The North will concede what is just, but never surrender the right. They are resolute, and sternly reply that if the South will have ruin we might as well make a monument of it and finish. It is impossible to treat with people who refuse to be appeased. Disunionists insist that slavery shall be nationalized by constitutional enactment, and by still further guarantees, practically saying to the North, "On thy belly shalt thou go, and dirt shalt thou eat "all the days of thy life." The North says the laws shall be executed. This is the substance of sentiment at Washington, and each day gives vigor to its tone. It is believed the Committee of thirty-three must prove an abortion. There is a bare chance that border States may be wrenched from King Cotton's clutches.

" But our wise men have but little hope. The Committee will not meet until it is decided there is a Committee. Congress will not excuse the Florida and South Carolina members, but they say they will not serve. The other Southerners will ; but the defection of any one State will destroy the moral influence of the Committee."

Another project is contained in the following regular dispatch from Washington, of the same date:

" While the most conservative Congressmen freely express the belief that there is no prospect whatever of preventing other States from following the secession example, others are hopeful that something may yet be done in the way of compromise, and which may at least preserve the border slaveholdmg States in the Union with the non-slaveholding States. Among the plans suggested by gentlemen belonging to the latter class of Congressman is the establishment of a line, by an amendment to the Constitution, similar to the Missouri Compromise. Other amendments have been submitted to the consideration of members from all sections of the country, and as they have received some degree of favor, it may be mentioned they provide :

First — That territory shall not be acquired otherwise than by treaty. Second — The white inhabitants of any Territory numbering 20,000, shall have the right to elect, all officers necessary for its government unfertile rules prescribed by act of Congress, and the Legislature thereof may determine whether to recognize slavery or not during its Territorial existence.

Third — Whenever any Territory, preparatory to its assuming State sovereignty, having white inhabitants equal to the number required for a Representative in Congress, and having submitted its Constitution to a vote of the people, applies for admission, it shall be admitted into the Union, whatever may be its provisions in regard to slavery, upon an equal footing with the original States.

Fourth — That Congress shall not interfere with slavery where it exists under the sanction of law, nor shall it prohibit the transportation of slaves from one slave State to another. JUDGE BLACK AND AMOS KENDALL. A Washington dispatch of Dec. 8th, states that the Attorney General of the United States, as legal adviser of the Government, has rendered an opinion upon the questions involved in cases of disputed jurisdiction and authority between the Government of the United States and of any State. It is published in the Constitution of today. He says :

Within their respective spheres of action, the Federal Government and the Government of a State are both of them independent and supreme, but each is utterly powerless beyond the limits assigned to it by the Constitution. The will of a State, whether expressed in its Constitution or laws, cannot, while it remains in the confederacy, absolve her people from the duty of obeying the just and constitutional requiremeota of the centra! Government, nor can any act of the central Government displace jurisdiction of a State, because the laws ol the United States :vre supreme and binding only so far as they are passed in pursuance of the Constitution. I do not say what might be effected by mere revolutionary force ; l am speaking of a legal and constitutional right. The right of the General Government to preserve itself in its whole constitutional vigor by repelling a direct and positive aggression upon its property or its officers cannot be denied, but this is a totally different thing from an offensive war to punish t'he people for the political misdeeds of their State Government, or to enforce an acknowledgement that the Government of the United States is supreme, the States a colleague of one another, and if some of them shall conquer the rest and hold them as subjugated provinces, it would destroy the whole theory upon which they are now connected.

Amos Kendall publishes another letter against secession to-day. In reviewing the message of the President, he says :

" I have read this admirable and unanswerable document of the President against the pretended right of secession, but its force on the public mind is much impaired by the conclusion at which he arrives. It is very true that the Constitution confers no power on Congress to declare or carry on war against a State, for such power would have been inconsistent with its leading principles. But it does confer power to coerce every citizen of a State detected in the violation of its provisions and the laws of the United States. The power is no way effected if the transfer be sustained by all the authorities of his State who may become his accomplices, themselves punishable, not as State officers, but as citizens of the United States. The truth is, the right of the United Sates to enforce their own laws on every citizen of every State, no matter what, the State may enact or resolve, is as perfect as any granted right can be. But the times and modes of its exercises depend on circumstances, and to some extent on the discretion of the public authority.

POLITICAL MISCELLANY. The largest meeting ever held in Vicksburg in the daytime, met in that city on the 29th of November, over which there was called to preside that sterling patriot, Gen. Patrick Henry, of Rankin county, assisted by six distinguished citizens of other counties-large property holders in slaves-as Vice President. The President, in calling the meeting to order, made an address counseling firm and decided action, taken after due deliberation. Ex-Governor Morehead, of Kentucky, followed in the same strain, winding up with an excellent exhortation to take such steps only as calm deliberation and an intelligent foresight might dictate, both with a view to the maintenance of Southern rights

and, if possible, the preservation of the Union. Col. G. M Hillyer, of Natchez, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported a series of resolves, breathing the right spirit of true devotion to the South, while at the same time they assert her right to the Union and in the Union.

The action of the Breckinridge Electors in Virginia in refusing to take advantage of the clerical errors, which gave part of the vote of the State to Breckinridge is generally approved. The Petersburg Intelligencer says :

" The Electors on the Breckinridge ticket, who were declared elected by the Governor by reason of the errors of the conductors of the election, resigned their place yesterday, so that the whole vote of the State might be cast for Bell and Everett, as the voters designed they should be. Such magnanimous conduct was to be expected from the high-minded gentlemen who composed that ticket. Their action does them honor, and alike reflects it on the party represented by them."

While the Putnam Phalanx was marching through the streets of Baltimore on Tuesday, an individual mounted a box and proposed three cheers for South Carolina. The Phalanx preserved silence, but the surrounding crowd greeted the proposition with significant hisses and marked disapprobation.

The Richmond Enquirer characterizes the President's message as " the most remarkable and mischievous message ever sent by a President to Congress." Mr. Buchanan, in laboring to please all, has satisfied nobody. The South objects to his denial of the right of secession ; the North, too, finds fault with his denial of the power of the Union to preserve its national existence.

Speaking of a constitutional monarchy, the Baltimore American remarks :

A correspondent of the Columbus (Ga.) Times advocates that the proposed Southern Confederacy shall bo organized as a " Constitutional Monarchy." Republicanism, he thinks, has been tried and found wanting, and the only safety of the South is in a " strong Government." A correspondent of the Enquirer, published at the same place, thinks that if the South wants a king, it should "get a descendant of George III, as it would be difficult to make one of American stuff, for the reason so many aspirants would consider their claims set aside if not elected to the office, and might rebel." Bartow, a secession leader in Georgia, advocates a strong, consolidated Government, and the abolition of State Governments in the Southern Confederacy. Where are we drifting? Secession is bad enough — what will follow it?

" Thus bad begins, and worse remains behind."

Upon another subject the American says:

The election laws of South Carolina, as we gather them from the legal notices in the Charleston papers, contain what will be considered some curious provisions in this democratic age. Universal suffrage does not obtain there. The voter beside being a " free white man " (qr. are there any white men in the State not " free ") must be possessed of " a freehold of fifty acres of land or a town lot." The possession of this property qualification not only gives the right to vote but enables the voter to choose where he shall vote. He may vote in the parish in which his property is situated, though not a resident. When challenged, a voter is required among other things to swear that he " is not a pauper, soldier, or non-commissioned officer of the army of the United States." Commissoned officers by implication, are excepted from this degrading enumeration with paupers. And again, " the dissemination of incendiary publication ' being justly regarded and punished as a great crime in the slaveholding States, we are at a loss to understand the conduct of the "Minute Men" of Jackson, Mississippi, who have recently ordered ten thousand copies of an Abolition article from the Chicago Democrat to be published for distribution. The Vicksburg Whig, in commenting on this proceeding, remarks that when such defenders of Southern rights ' get to work circulating such matter, they may find themselves arraigned before the grand jury, as such a proceeding is in direct and palpable violation of our excellent State laws.' "

Governor Gist, of South Carolina, received a letter from Major Lee, commanding the Baltimore National Volunteers, a light horse regiment, thirteen hundred strong, saying " that the regiment has unanimously resolved to support, with their lives, any State or States in secession from this accursed league, and tendering their service in the event of coercion." The Baltimore American says :

Who Major Lee may be we do not know, but if he has do more substantial existence than the " light horse regiment, thirteen hundred strong," he must be an intangible myth, alongside of which a man of straw would be a massive reality. We strongly suspect he is not only a warrior " who never act a squadron in the field," but that in this case he has no squadron to set afield.

The Philadelphia Inquirer, a Republican journal, referring to the speech of Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, in the United States Senate, on Wednesday, declares it ''indiscreet and irritating," and then rebukes him in the following strain :

This gentleman has, by some unaccountable freak of the citizens of his State, got into and kept in a seat in the Senate of the United States, when his true position would be in the saw-dust of a circus, crowned by the jester's cap and bells. He is the mountebank of the Senate, possessing neither dignity, prudence, nor proper appreciation of his high duties.

The distress consequent upon the troubled state of our national affairs is not confined to any one section of the Union, as will appear from the following paragraph from the Atlanta (Ga.) Locomotive of last week :

" Never before have there been as many laborers thrown out of employment in Atalanta as at this time. Most of the carpenters are idle, (the improvements being all discontinued,) and many of them have large families depending upon them for bread, and they can get no work. There is indeed a great deal of puttering among the laboring classes in our midst, and we think something should be done for them."

The editor of the Charleston (S. C.) Courier publishes, under the head of " Opinions of New York," an extract of a letter from the acting editor of the World to a gentleman in Charleston, namely :

You think we do not realize the sentiment at the South : you can hardly realize the pain which it causes at the North. It is still our conviction, in spite of all that you see, that, finally, there will be no disruption of the Union : that co-operation is improbable, and secession impossible, though South Carolina may vote herself out of the Union. Besides, there will be conciliation ; and an unmistakable expression of the conservative sentiment of the North. Stephens' speech has cheered every one here. You are at liberty to say that not one of the editors of the World voted for Lincoln, and that its publisher would have no hesitation in owning slaves.

Of the late New York charter election the Tribune says :

The charter election has resulted in the return of Smith, Henry, Brady and Genet, of Japanese fame, to the Board of Aldermen. Isaac Dayton, Charles J. Chipp, Alex. Freer, Ira A. Allen, and Andre Froment are the other successful candidates. Politically, the Democrats gain one member. In Messsrs. Dayton, Chipp and Froment the public have obtained three responsible and reputable representatives; of the others, the less said the better. The Board of Councilmen will stand : Republicans, 10 — a gain of three ; Tammany, 1 ; Mozart, 3. The World says :

Almost the only result of the late charter election upon which the public may be congratulated, is that of the complete rout of the Mozart Hall rabble and the discomfiture of its archleader, Fernando Wood. Only one candidate for the Common Council supported by this hitherto powerful organization was returned. Tammany and the Republicans have carried the day triumphantly. Most of the elected are inefficient, many of them corrupt, but it may be said in their favor that they are generally op posed to Wood, Mozart Hall, therefore, may be regarded as overthrown.

The following is a list of the secession movements in the Southern States :

The Legislatures of North Carolina, South Carolina. Georgia, Mississippi and Arkansas are now in session.

South Carolina election for members of Convention, December 6th. Louisana Legislature (special session), is to meet December 10th. South Carolina State Convention is to meet December 17th Alabama election for members of Convention, December 24th. Georgia election for members of Convention, January 2d. Alabama State Convention is to meet January 7th. Virginia Legislature (special session), is to meet January 7th. Georgia State Convention is to meet January 17th.

A dispatch from Springfield, December 5th, says : A synopsis of the President's Message reached Lincoln this morning. He comments very severely on its accusatory tone towards the North, and says his own views are misrepresented.

The Washington correspondent of the New York Times writes :

Secretary Floyd's letter, advocating the abstract right of secession, conforms to his recent declarations here. Secretaries Thompson and Cobb hold the same views, only the latter is for immediate action. According to the President's own theory in his Message, he has three revolutionists in his Cabinet. The Louisville Democrat pointedly says: We do not see how Kentuckians can have sympathy with South Carolina. Her papers assert that Kentucky can hardly be considered a slave State. Her Legislature forbids a Kentuckian from going with his slaves into her border. She exhibits for Kentucky and the border States contempt and derision. We trust that Kentucky will be equally indifferent to her. Let us strive to get her rights in the Union. If she fails, let her act independently, and not be dragged after South Carolina through the mud and mire, like a tin kettle to a mangy cur's tail.

The National Intelligencer says :

A private letter from an influential citizen of Harper's Ferry, Virginia — where, if anywhere in the South we might suppose to find a sentiment of apprehension— addressed to a gentleman in this city, contains the following reference to popular sentiment at that place : " The secession movements in the South are greatly deprecated in this section of the country. With the exception of a very few politicians, the people of these parts go for the Union — a secessionist being a rara avis. Though we have perhaps more cause for complaint than any other section, we stand by the integrity of the Union." The New Orleans Daily Crescent, of the 28th, announces "the first Pelican flag." It is thus described : The flag is rich blue silk, with heavy gilt fringe all round the border. In the center is a large red star shaded with gold, and in its center is the coat of arms of Louisiana. Above the star are the following words in gilt letters on red ground : "Equality in the Union," and immediately under the stars are the words, " Or Independence out of it." The materials and the getting up of the flag, are of the richest description.

The Louisville Courier pronounces the President's remarks about the immediate peril of servile insurrection, "an unpardonable mistake." The Courier says: " Buchanan knows nothing himself of the practical workings of slavery, and has been deceived into the assertion which equally exaggerates the bad conduct of the North and the weakness of the South." THE REMAINS OF GENERAL WALKER. Capt. West, a friend of the late filibuster chief, has recently returned from an unsuccessful expedition to Truxillo, where he expected to obtain the remains of Walker. Of his movements, the New Orleans correspondent of the Missouri Republican, writing Dec. 6th, gives the following account :

On the 22d of last month, Captain West, one of General Walker's most brave and efficient officers in his Nicaraguan campaigns, sailed from this port for Truxillo for the purpose of securing and bringing home the remains of his beloved chief. He returned to this city yesterday morning, and happening to meet him, I learned the result of his undertaking. He was received by the authorities and people of Truxillo with professions of good will and great apparent kindness, but the object of his mission could not be readily accomplished, in consequence of the operation of an old law which forbids the exhumation of human bodies during three years after interment. He, however, drew up a petition to President Guardiola and the ecclesiastical authorities, and felt so confident that it would be listened to that he left a coffin at Ruatan,snd made other arrangements for forwarding the remains to this city. The sentence of Colonel Rudler, to four years' imprisonment in the mines of Comayaqua, for his share in the Honduras expedition, had not yet been put in actual execution, and West was assured by the Commandant of Truxillo, and by the English Consul and others, that in all probability the Colonel would receive a full pardon, and be permitted to return to this country some time next month. They attributed this prospect entirely to the interest which had been created in his favor by his gentlemanly and quiet demeanor under the weight of trying misfortune, his intelligence and prepossessing manners, the humane disposition of the authorities, etc., but Captain West attributes it to an entirely different cause. " He found the population and authorities of Truxillo in a constant ferment of alarm and anxiety from rumors of another descent of filibusters, and he learned that these apprehensions had been entertained ever since the execution of Walker. There was a settled idea in the popular mind that the filibusters would attempt to venge his death in the most terrible and bloody manner, and so great was the dread of them inspired by the reports of their former deeds, and by the consequences of their brief visit to Honduras, that it would be impossible to get up a native force to efficiently oppose such an attack. In the absence of all outside assistance, the town and fort of Truxillo could be taken and held by a much smaller force than that with which Walker captured them. Ido not suppose that the incitement of mere vengeance wuuld be sufficient to raise funds for such a raid, particularly in the present financial stress, but if the means could be produced, the man would speedily be forthcoming. I suppose it was quite natural that Capt. West should feel a sort of tierce delight in the fears and dread of the people whom he regarded as the murderers of his friend and leader, and it is pretty certain that he took no trouble to allay those fears. So little did he fear being molested that, on entering the port, he paid no attention to the regulation that re quires a written permission to land, but went ashore at once, before the anchor was fairly down, and no notice was taken of the infringement. He thinks that Rudler will be released, more through a desire to appease the wrath of bis friends and associates than from any motives of humanity or regard for him personally. " I must acknowledge," said the Captain, " that they treated me with distinguished consideration, and it would be rather churlish on mv part to inquire their reasons for doing so." Just fore he left the town was thrown into a state of great excitement by a report that a vessel loaded with fillibuatcrs was cruising off the coast for the purpose of effecting a lauding, and probably the origin of this rumor was in some way connected with his visit. " " It may be known to the readers of the Republican, that numerously signed yetitions have been sent to President Buchanan, imploring his interference in behalf of Rudler. Our Executive probably decided not to interfere, for so far as I know he has not responded in any manner, and at the time of West's visit nothing had passed between our Government and that of Honduras upon the subject. Rudler's friends here are greatly rejoiced at the prospect of his speedy liberation, and their resentment against the Hondurans is half disarmed by the report of his humane treatment. West was assured that he had not been in prison at all, and had been restricted only to the limits of the capital— the city of Comayaqua, in the department of that name." BILLY MULLIGAN AND THE BRODBRICK WILL. Some men seek greatness, while others have it thrust upon them. To the latter class Billy Mulligan unquestionably belongs. His passage was paid from San Francisco to New York ; he is now supported at the public expense, and almost daily occupies a prominent place in the metropolitan journals— even in the leading columns thereof. The Herald, of the 6th of December, devotes to him a leading article : "Mulligan belongs to that peculiar class of community known as fancy men, although the general public has no great fancy for them. He stated in Court that he was " a cooper by trade, but had not worked at it for many years," leaving us to conclude that he joined that noble army— the soldiers" of which toil not, neither do they spin, and. yet outshine Solomon in the bravery of their apparel. They are often to be 8»-eii in Broadway on a fine afternoon they never mi.v» a horse race or a prize tight ; they are fotbituei of gambling houses and other disreputable places ; they always have on hand a very large stock of political influence, which the 1 ' are ready to dispose of at the .lowest ca«.h price. ..They have, once in a while, a tight or two among themselves, and occasionally get into the hands of the police. The latter gentry, however, are either very thick with the "sports" or very much afraid of them, as the number of times they are arrested bears a very small pro portion to the sum of occasion when they deserve it. "One of these gentlemen, John Morrissey— he has achieved a certain sort of reputation— keeps a common gambling house, and is therefore liable at any, moment to be Bent to Sing Sing for two years. Mulligan .comes to the bower -of Mornssey, and inflicts .Various . and sundry wound* upon : the ; delicate - feelings of that person. I Mornssey sends ; for the police, and . directs i the officer to put Mulligan out, wben the latter draw * a pistol and threatens the

olncer'a life. Mulligan thinks better of the I matter, however, and does not resist the law ! auy further. On this stale of f < cts, it ia alleged, :he has been convicted under an indictment which charges that the pistol was actually discharged at the officer, and the counsel for the accused aska for a new trial, on the ground that the conviction was against evidence. " There is a curious underplot to this drama. Mulligan has been, in his halcyon days, the intimate friend of many distinguished people— Senators, lawyers, journalists and politicians of all degrees. lie incurred the wrath of the San Francisco Vigilance Committee, and was kindly presented to the city of New York by our fellowcitizens on the Pacific coa«t. lie is supposed to be well acquainted with all the inside operations of the strikers, both in New York and California, and when brought up for sentence, he declared to the Court that he desired to make an affidavit to prove that the will of the late Senator Broderick, just admitted to probate in San Francisco, is a forgery. The will was contebted on this ground, but the Probate Judge did not deem the evidence sufficient to set it aside. The late Senator by this will devised the whole of his property, valued at something like $100,000, to the editor of a sporting paper in this city — a warm friend, it is said, of Mulligan. The will case goes to the Supreme Court of California, on appeal, and Mulligan declared that be wished his affidavit to go before that tribunal. Judge Gould denied the request of the accused, and proceeded to sentence him.

" We are of the opinion that the facts above recited need no commentary at our hand?. The public will, however, note the circumstance that Morrissey had no hesitation in calling for the aid of the police, although, if they had done their duty, he would have been marched off to prison. They will perceive, too, that Mulligan, who has often been in the hands of the police on serious charges, has come to grief for acornparatively slight offence. This is on the old principle, give a dog a bad name, etc., and it should BOTT6 us a warning to young men who think it a fine thing to follow in the wake of the fancy men like Mulligan. It will give the ' governing classes' a hint, to the efiect that they cannot have ovnryihinK t.hp.ir own way. and will teach them to w;i'k straighter than before. "As to Mulligan's very extraordinary statement with regard to the Hroderick will, we presume the contestants will take measures to ascertain how much truth, if any, there is in it. If the will was forced— it bears date the day before the Senator left New York for San Francisco the last time — there must be other witnesses than Mulligan ; if not, there yet remains a way to secure his evidence through a pardon, which misfit be made out a day or two before the time for him to pay his legal adieus to Sing Sing comes round. Of course the matter will be properly investigated, and the public will expect some rich developments. " The Supreme Court refused to sustain the bill of exceptions in Mulligan's case, and he goes to Sing Sing December 3tb."

To this, Mr. Wilkes responded next day, in a card, as follows :

In your allusion, this morning, to Senator Broderick's will, in the course of an article on the late case of Mulligan, you erroneously state that the will bears date on the day before Mr. Broderick left New York for the last time, which was March 17th, 1859. This is an error. The will bears date on the previous 2d January, and after a legacy of $10,000 to John A. McGlynn, of San Francisco, it makes me residuary legatee. It was drawn by A. A. Phillips, Esq., who had previously done business for Mr. Broderick, and it was witnessed by him and Mr. John J. Hoff, formerly a member of the California Legislature, and one of the gentlemen who firmly voted for Mr. Broderick in that body for United States Senator during an entire session. The original proofs were taken before John K. Ilackett, Esq , of this city, acting as commissioner appointed by the San Francisco Probate Court (counsel appearing on the other side), and they were forwarded, under his certificate, to California. On the will being offered there for probate, its genuineness was disputed ; but after an investigation of the closest character, which lasted several months, the following decision was rendered by the Court :

[Here follows the order of Judge Blake of October 8th, 1860.]

Out of the large number of witnesses who appeared in the case, but three persons, and those only in the character of experts, questioned the authenticity of the signatures ; while among those whose testimony supported the will, were both of the seconds who accompanied Mr. Broderick to the field, and Hon. Samuel Purdy, ex-Lieutenant Governor of California ; Col. Jonathan D. Stevenson, Richtrd M. Snowden, Col. A. A. Selover, Win. M. Lent, Herman Wohler, aud other well known gentlemeu of high standing, who were most intimate with Mr. Bi oderiok, and well acquuin ed not only with his relations toward me, but with his handwriting. I make these explanations solely to correct the errors and apparent inferences of your article, and nut in concession to anything that Mulligan haa said. The abominable calumny that hia signature was watted to fcive character to a document to be proved in California, where his reputation is even wort e than it is here, sufficiently contradicts itself. In conclusion, sir, I beg to say that, though quite willing to have any proper course of inquiry directed to the subject of Senator Broderick's will, I protest respectfully against any further ex parts tiial of the case in the newspapers, bused on the unprincipled statements of a person like Win. Mulligan. Yours, Ac, Gko. Wilkes. Upon this subject the New York Times of the 7th says:

" We have received the statement of Mulligan concerning the alleged forgery of the Broderick will. It is very luli aud particular, giviug names and dates, and all the detuils of the alleged conspiracy. We c.mnot publish it, because it would be libelous; and, even if every word of it were true, the only witnesses are the panics coucerned, who would not testify, and Mulligan, whose testimany is now rendeied worthless. But we certainly think the matter calls for the rigid investigation of the legal authorities. There has always been a mystery about this will which has never been cleared up to trie satisfaction of the public." THEATRICAL. The New York Tribune, of December 7th, thus critically notices the appearance of Edwin Booth as Richelieu :

In this personation, Mr. Booth for the first time escapes from direct comparison with his late father; here for the first time is he emancipated from his father's overshadowing fame, and for the first time duriug his present engagement is he really judged on his own merits. His success in greater than ever; his victory is more deeded than before, and his position as the first of our tragedians is established beyond question. The performance is not weakened by the inequalities which marred certain of his previous personifications ; it is carefully elaborated throughout, and in a satisfying and consistent whole. It is a genuine embodiment of character, not merely an assumption of priestly robes and a mouthing of borrowed language. The words of the part are no more potent in portraying the actor's idea than are every glance ot the eye, and movement of the body, and inflection ot the voice. There is no instant's forgetfulness ; there is no moment when the lusty vigor of the gains the mastery over the characterization ; the feebleness of the old man, the narrating cough, the tottering step, the waveriug, uncertain gestures of old age, are similated to the life. The audience were enthusiastic, frantic. In the course of the fourth act, and in the great scene of the fifth act, on the delivery of the line — Here, at my feet — " they rose and cheered, and Iadies waved their handkerchiefs, and the whole House were wild wit demonstrative admiration. Seldom has a young actor had so proud a moment. The Cincinnati Commercial of the 9th, says : The engagement of Miss Annetta Ince at the National, closes this evening. It has been moderutely successful — nothing more. As will be seen by our resume, she has appeared the present week in sterling pieces ; but they have been so frequently played of late, that extraordinary histrionic talent and reputation are necessary to attract large houses to their representation. Sam Ryan and Kate Denin are at Albany, N. Y. , where they brought out the Hidden Hand the present week. Adda Isaac Menken has become the danseuse of the Stadt Theater — the German theater in the Bowery, New York. Heenan is still in St. Louis. and is to give an exhibition to-night for the benefit of one of his friends.

A good story is told of Forrest, the eminent tragedian. On one occasion, when be was to be " supported " in an important part by some lazy mechanic, who had turned actor to get an easier living than by the use ot his professional hammer, trowel or needle, the fellow made such awful havoc with tbe text that 'Metamora" fairly lost his temper, and struck terror to the heart of the offender by exclaiming, in stentorian tones, " Here, you rascal, what the d — l do you work at in the day time ?

Libel Cask. — la the case of the charge of libel against the editors and publishers of the San FroDcinco Mirror by J. 8. Maxwell, the counsel lor the defendants have waived an examination before the Police Court, and the case will go betors the Grand Juij.